"When the mountain population was expelled in February and March from the areas now occupied (with the notation 'arrangement of their dwellings' crossed out) by our stanitsas, in most cases, the troops left them untouched, both the aul buildings and the fields sown by the highlanders. As a result, upon their arrival, the settlers could immediately take advantage of the ready-made, dry, and sturdy materials for construction and gather the crops sown in the fields. Indeed, the settlers made the most of these favorable circumstances. At present, many Cossacks have reserves of processed grain not only sufficient for the entire winter period but also for sowing in the coming year. In addition, the residents actively engaged in haymaking. From the ready-made building materials, estates are being erected in the stanitsas with such speed that there is hope to assume that by this winter, the majority of the newly settled Cossacks will be living in sturdy and dry houses."(From the report of General-Adjutant Nikolai Evdokimov).
As you may have noticed in the previous article, on the maps of the actions of Russian military units in 1863-1864, the boundaries of the so-called military districts were marked in light blue. These were special territorial units established by the authorities of the Russian Empire for the resettlement of loyal Circassian communities. There was no adequate form of governance in these districts, except for appointed military officials. Attempts to introduce such governance at the local level occurred somewhat later when these areas became part of a unified civil region - the Kuban Region. However, by the end of the 1870s, there was a new consolidation of autonomy, as it turned out that democratically elected authorities of settlements were capable of forming delegations from their communities to Turkey with requests to the Sultan for resettlement and even actively resisting the authorities.
To understand the organization of these districts, we can trace the history of their creation. To do this, we need to go back to the events of the last years of the war and once again give the floor to General-Adjutant Evdokimov, who directly supervised their establishment and subsequent reforms. The basis for our text will be the report of the Commander of the Kuban Region's troops, General-Adjutant Evdokimov, on military actions in the Kuban Region for the years 1863-1864 (Source: State Historical Archive of the Republic of Georgia, Fund 416, Inventory 3, File No. 1190). The following text is based on the report:
1.SURROUNDED
Until the autumn of 1863, there were four district administrations for governing the obedient mountain peoples in the Kuban Region: Upper Kuban and Lower Kuban, Upper Laba and Lower Laba, and two regional administrations: Natukhaisky and Bzhedukhovsky. Each of these administrative institutions had been given foundations that corresponded to the situation and military circumstances that could, as much as possible, foster civility among the indigenous people.
Two of the mentioned administrations, namely Upper Kuban and Lower Kuban, and the two regional administrations, Bzhedukhovsky and Natukhaisky, remained in their initial form throughout the reporting year, as they somewhat satisfied the initial administrative needs of the indigenous people temporarily settled in the Trans-Kuban districts and regions: Natukhaisky and Bzhedugsky.
However, due to the development of our military actions beyond the Belaya and Pshish, which resulted in the desire of the mountain residents residing there to move to the mentioned areas between the mouths of the Laba and Belaya rivers (in the Upper and Lower Laba districts), the necessity arose to correctly settle the indigenous population in the designated area and to take active measures right from the beginning of their resettlement to arrange their way of life. The temporary district administrations, Upper and Lower Laba, which had a more police-oriented character than administrative, were transformed into a single regional administration during October 1862. This administration was given the name Abadzekhsky, as predominantly, the settlers in this area were from the land of Abadzekh.
At the same time, the actions of the Adagumsky detachment from the Natukhaisky region, on the side of the Natukhaisky district, compelled the Shapsugs, who lived to the east of the Adagumsky line, partly to cease further resistance and submit to us with obedience, while others retreated to the southern slope.
As of January 1st of the previous year, around 13,000 people from this tribe had moved to the Kuban plain and settled in the area designated for the indigenous people between the mouths of the Afips and Abin rivers. Initially, these newcomers were entrusted to the care of the head of the Bzhedukhovsky district. However, as their numbers increased during 1863 due to the development of our colonization in the foothills of the Shapsug lands, active administrative measures were required for their well-being. For this purpose, in September 1863, a special district was formed from this population, named the Shapsug District, and a district administration was established.
By the end of 1863, when the success of our military operations had pushed the indigenous people from their occupied lands, they were faced with the choice of either going to Turkey or resettling in the locations we designated on the Pre-Kuban plain. In order to receive them and facilitate their settlement in their new places of residence, we had two district administrations, Upper and Lower Kuban, and four regional administrations: Abadzekhsky, Bzhedukhovsky, Shapsugsky, and Natukhaisky.
The newly established Abadzekhsky and Shapsugsky districts were formed based on the example of the temporary staff established in 1861 for the Bzhedukhovsky district.
Military districts with Circassian population in 1863
The administrative structure of these districts, without popular courts, was suitable for the transitional situation in which the local Circassian population found themselves at the end of 1863. They had not yet decided whether to go to Turkey or stay within our borders. It was clear that for such an unsettled population, it was premature to establish an administration based on self-governance on a large scale, as provided to the Natukhay people, who, however, did not take advantage of this institution's benefits and left for Turkey, as we will see below.
With the submission of the upper and lower Abadzekhs in October 1863, who had already been expelled from the majority of their former territory and confined to the area between the Pshish and Psekups rivers, this population became the subject of our care and attention. In September 1863, a temporary district administration was established to oversee them. With the departure to Turkey of the majority of the subdued local population and the resettlement of 1,496 Abadzekh families to the Abadzekh district, this administration was dissolved by May 1, 1864.
Due to the general desire of the Abadzekh, Shapsugs, and Natukhays to go to Turkey, expressed almost unanimously, both among the newly subdued and those already settled in the designated areas, the administrative activities of the native administrations of the Natukhay and Shapsug districts were exclusively aimed at providing the locals with the means for their quick and convenient departure to coastal points for transport to Turkey.
According to available information, only 100 Natukhay families will remain in the Natukhaisky district, and in the Shapsugsky district, there will be between 500 and 700 families, possibly even fewer. Therefore, there will be no need for two district administrations to govern the remnants of these two tribes. The abolishment of these two districts is being proposed, with the idea of combining them with the Bzhedukhsky district to create a single native district called the Lower Kuban district. This involves relocating the remaining population of the current Natukhaisky, Shapsugsky, and Bzhedukhsky districts to larger auls along the Kuban from Adagum to Afips. This plan includes placing the approximately 100 Natukhay families in the location of the Zhezhevsky aul, Psebedakh, while the remaining Shapsug families would be settled in four or five auls along the Kuban itself.
At the same time, the Abadzekhsky district received a significant increase in population during the general migration of the Circassians, with 1,496 Abadzekh families arriving, totaling 38,434 people of both sexes along with the previous residents of this district. This population settled in large auls in the area between the lower reaches of the Laba and Belaya rivers. As a result, the current staff of the Abadzekhsky district administration, especially with the onset of peacetime, no longer meets the requirements for effective administration. Similarly, the Pre-Kuban districts require better and more centralized management, especially considering that the populations of these districts consist of people who are among the most developed and familiar with civilian life among the Circassians. All of this leads to the necessity of establishing two new district administrations: the Upper Kuban and Abadzekhsky districts, based on new principles, while adhering to the staff structures of the former Natukhaisky district.
The new organization of military districts in 1864, following the departure of a significant portion of the Shapsugs and Natukhays to Turkey
Thus, the basic contours of the "reservations" for the Circassian population in the Western Caucasus were formed, within which resettlement occurred in larger settlements (auls) surrounded by Cossack stanitsas. Local residents were required to report their movements outside the auls and could not leave without special permission. Carrying weapons was prohibited. Lack of knowledge of the Russian language often led to abuses by neighbors regarding the land and personal rights of these settlers. Circassians often became subjects of criminal cases when they were deliberately and without evidence accused of murders and thefts, taking advantage of their lack of knowledge of the language and ability to defend themselves legally, and exploiting the stereotypical image of savages incapable of understanding the benefits of civilization.
By the end of 1864, the western boundaries of the military districts would further shrink practically to the Afips River due to the departure of most of the remaining Natukhays and Shapsugs to Turkey, thus forming the core of the future indigenous areas of the Republic of Adygea. The total number of Circassians remaining in the military districts would not exceed 150,000 people, which is about 12-15% of the initial population as of 1860.
Now that we have covered the military districts, let's explore the more dramatic and complex history of the settlers who went to Turkey. Using various sources, we will try to understand the count of the expelled inhabitants and the conditions of their resettlement. Let's continue quoting General-Adjutant Evdokimov's report.
2.IN EXILE
The history of the Circassian expulsion is the most dramatic story of the Caucasian War period because it represents a rather unique case in the Russian Empire of deliberate expulsion of a significant part of the indigenous population beyond the country's jurisdiction. Hundreds of thousands of displaced people, faced with the necessity to cross the Black Sea in a relatively short time, inevitably encountered a transportation collapse that led to enormous casualties due to excessively long waiting times for ships in conditions of a total lack of basic survival resources.
Russian troops advancing towards the Black Sea would burn down houses, crops, and supplies to prevent local residents from having the opportunity to return. The inhabitants were forced to flee in panic, often with little chance to take their possessions with them. Even in cases where the settlers managed to take livestock and property with them, the majority had to later sell their belongings at extremely low prices, despite attempts by military officials to regulate prices in the buying market. This regulation was largely ignored by buyers, partly due to the weakness and diseases of the livestock, which had undergone a complex multi-week journey and waiting with the expelled population in unfamiliar conditions. It's worth noting that the main wave of people was expelled in the fall and winter, accompanied by abnormal rainfall and cold weather, as evidenced by various eyewitnesses of the events. Animals suffered from epidemics that spread among the densely packed groups of the expelled, and in the best-case scenario, they were purchased at very low prices as unfit.
Secondly, epidemics played a sinister role, spreading among people, often leading to death not only from diseases but also from cold and hunger due to the inability to provide for basic life necessities. For example, the cholera epidemic that broke out among the Ubykhs in Sochi in March-April 1864 led to the situation where ships refused to take them on board. The military administration, eager to get rid of the unwanted population, had to separately seek private ship owners at a higher cost to take them to Turkey. It was this episode of the expulsion that marked cases of throwing sick and dead people overboard during the sea crossing, which later became one of the dramatic and enduring symbols-associations with these events, still existing in Circassian society to this day.
The Russian and Ottoman Empires had previously formed a resettlement committee through which they addressed organizational issues. Imperial authorities allocated a special budget for hiring ships and transporting those Circassians (Adyghes) who didn't have the means to purchase a spot on a ship. From these funds, a minimum was allocated for purchasing bread and blankets, as well as paying for the services of doctors for the settlers. However, as is often the case in chaotic and massive military actions, there were instances when waiting for a ship dragged on, and the expelled didn't have enough of the allocated minimum funds. In such moments, they attempted to return to the mountains, where they were apprehended by separate military units and forcibly returned to the coast.
To the participants and executors of the military campaign in the Western Caucasus, these events appeared quite differently. Let's quote here a statement from the aforementioned General Evdokimov in the same report I've mentioned before: "In the current year 1864, an almost unprecedented fact in history occurred; the enormous mountain population, once possessing great wealth, armed and capable of military craft, occupying the Zakubansky region from the headwaters of the Kuban to Anapa and the southern slope of the Caucasus Range from the Sujuk Bay to the Bzyb River, suddenly disappears from this land, and a striking transformation takes place among them: not a single mountain dweller remains in their former place of residence, everyone strives to clear the region to yield it to the new Russian settlement.
Of course, such a fact cannot be the result of one year's efforts; it was not immediately possible to raise and drive out the unfriendly population from the mountains. Prepared measures were needed for this, and it was necessary to gradually accustom them to such resettlement; otherwise, the unexpectedness of such a great measure could have put the native tribes in an impossible situation and driven them to desperate resistance."
From this quote, you can see that the events that took place, although carefully planned in advance, led to results beyond the expectations of the colonizers.
In my previous article, I mentioned approximate calculations of the population with the aim of attempting to determine the Circassian male population that participated in hostilities against the advancing forces of the Russian Empire. Here and in the following sections, I propose looking at General Evdokimov's report regarding the calculations of those who were expelled. Let's try to answer the question about the number of the Circassian population and the costs incurred for their expulsion from the perspective of the Russian military administration. Our text will be based on the same report by General-Adjutant Evdokimov on military actions in the Kuban region for the years 1863-1864 (Source: State Historical Archive of the Republic of Georgia, Fund 416, Inventory 3, Case No. 1190). The text continues based on the report:
The goal of this article, although primarily focused on determining the number of indigenous people who resettled to Turkey this year, is not just about providing a narrow account of this subject. To fully understand the current historical fact, it's necessary, for clarity and completeness, to revisit the known information about the peoples who inhabited the Kuban region in 1860, i.e., at the time when the new system of military operations began. Additionally, we need to outline the entire process of the mountain dwellers' resettlement from that time to the present, when we only encounter Russian population in the mountains and foothills. The final result of the number of mountain dwellers who went to Turkey and the number who remained to live in the Kuban region will give us the overall figure of the unfriendly population we encountered at the beginning of the war, excluding the inevitable casualties of the war, the number of which cannot be approximated precisely. Furthermore, over the past four years, the mountain dwellers have suffered significant mortality due to widespread diseases, inseparable from the war and privations.
In the region extending from the west of the Kuban to the eastern shore of the Black Sea, within the boundaries of the current Kuban region, including its present-day border up to the Bzyb River, two main ethnic groups resided: the Adyghe (Circassians) and the Abkhazians. Additionally, there were and still are indigenous Nogai people in the area, remnants of a fairly significant population known as the Pre-Kuban Nogais. There were also Armenians in the Armavir village and Karachays in the upper reaches of the Kuban, belonging to a Turkic ethnic group.
The Pre-Kuban Nogais had long settled along the Kuban and were always considered among the most loyal indigenous people to us, especially those who lived on the right bank of the Kuban River. Sheltered by our border line, they had the opportunity to maintain a more unambiguous stance compared to their fellow countrymen on the left bank of the river. The latter lived directly adjacent to the unconquered mountainous peoples and were under their immediate influence and attacks. The Pre-Kuban Nogais were divided into four clans or lineages: the Nauruzovsky, Mansurovsky, Kipchakovsky, and Tahtamyshevsky. At that time, their combined population was estimated to be up to 40,000 individuals of both genders, or perhaps even more.
The Karachays, numbering 9,870 adult males, peacefully occupied their Kuban basin all along and did not participate in the events of the past years. They avoided joining the general movement and resettlement to Turkey and remained just as loyal to us as they had been.
The root of the Abkhaz people was located on the southern slope of the Caucasus Mountains. Most significant segments of this population lived there. On the northern slope, a relatively smaller portion of the Abkhaz people known as the Altikesek, or the Seven Tribes, had settled. They occupied the mountainous region from the Kuma River to the Gubs peaks. These tribes never had separate autonomy and, while constantly under the influence of both the Russians and the Circassians, often displayed ambivalence. These Altikesek tribes, occupying the mountainous area between our Kuban and Labinsk lines, were of great importance to us. We had often sought their submission, which, in practice, did not bring us any benefit. In total, these tribes were estimated to consist of 4,550 households, or approximately up to 35,000 individuals of both genders. These figures have been recently collected more accurately than before when we had less reliable information about them.
On the southern slope within the Kuban region lived the Abkhazian people, including the Pskhu, Akhchipsou, Aibga, and Djiget tribes. Their exact population was not known, but it was approximately up to 2,500 families combined, based on information collected by Colonel Kuzminsky, who, however, estimated their number to be up to 3,000 families. These tribes lived partially mixed with the Ubykhs, occupying the area from the Khosta River to the Bzyb River.
The Adyghe people constituted the most numerous indigenous group in the Western Caucasus. They inhabited the entire area from the Bolshaya and Malaya Laba rivers to the eastern shore of the Black Sea. They were divided into five main divisions and several smaller ones. These divisions included: Abadzekhs, who inhabited the most mountainous region adjacent to the Caucasus Mountains and the foothills of the northern slope, from the Gubs River to the Sups River. One-fifth of this tribe lived on the right bank of the Belaya River, while the rest resided on the left bank. Shapsugs, who lived on both sides of the Caucasus Mountains, north of the Gubs River to the Adagum River, and on the southern slope from the Pshada River to the Shakhe River. Natukhays, who lived on the northern slope between the Adagum River and the eastern coast of the Black Sea and on the southern slope from Gelendzhik to the Pshada River. Bzhedugs, who occupied the lowland part of the Pre-Kuban plain from the Belaya River to the Sups River. Ubykhs, the indigenous inhabitants of the southern slope from the Shakhe River to the Khosta River. The Ubykhs lived partially mixed with the Shapsug communities on the Psezuapse River.
In addition to these five major Adyghe tribes, small segments of the Adyghe people resided in the hilly forested area between the Laba and Belaya rivers, in difficult-to-reach areas. These small tribes, totaling up to 30,000 individuals of both genders, were known as the Zalabinsky Kabardins (who had fled back here 45 years ago from Kabarda), Besleneevs, Makhoshevs, Yegerukaevs, and Temirgoys. They represented remnants of once strong peoples who were the most militant and had borne the brunt of the previous war with the mountain dwellers. They were particularly harmful to us due to their initiative and knowledge of the terrain.
Additionally, another Adyghe tribe, the Besleneevs, numbering 800 households or 8,000 individuals of both genders, inhabited the Khodz area. This tribe was known for its cunning, enterprise, and hostility toward us. The history of this tribe, with its shortcomings, is well-known and not suitable to be recounted here.
The population of all the Adyghe tribes is difficult to determine with absolute precision. The Bzhedugov and Natukhay tribes have been reported with fairly specific figures. The former was estimated to consist of up to 4,017 households or approximately 38,000 individuals of both genders, while the latter was counted at up to 4,300 families, roughly equivalent to 40,000 individuals of both genders according to the 1863 census. This figure also includes Natukhays who had previously lived on the southern slope, scattered among the Shapsugs, and gradually moved to the northern slope among their fellow tribesmen where a more peaceful life was beginning to emerge. The smaller Adyghe tribes had populations ranging from 30,000 to 35,000 individuals of both genders.
As for the Abadzekhs, Shapsugs, and Ubykhs, opinions varied. The former were estimated at up to 100,000, the latter up to 150,000, and the Ubykhs up to 200,000 individuals of both genders. In total, the Circassians or Adyghe numbered between 380,000 and 400,000 individuals.
If we consider the figures mentioned above to be close to the truth, the total indigenous population in the Kuban region in 1860, when the new system of warfare began, excluding the Pre-Kuban Nogais, was nearly half a million individuals of both genders, predominantly hostile and defiant. This is because those who had submitted to us, such as the Bzhedugs, Natukhays, and some Abkhaz tribes on the northern slope, could not be strictly considered as loyal subjects. On the contrary, due to their behavior, they were even more hostile to us than open enemies.
These figures, however, can be considered fairly accurate based on the following grounds: firstly, the calculations of Muhammad Emin when he assessed the Murtazeks (local militia) on tribes under his influence, and secondly, as we will see below, from the total of indigenous people who emigrated from us to Turkey at various times and those who remained in permanent residence in the Kuban region.
Counting the number of Circassian and Abkhazian populations in 1860
The general desire of the indigenous people of the Kuban region to migrate to Turkey began from an insignificant circumstance. Prior to the recent Eastern War, the obedient indigenous people often requested leave to go to Turkey for pilgrimage to the grave of Muhammad, and sometimes for trade purposes. Such leaves were granted with great selectivity and limited to no more than 30 families per year. However, when the Eastern (Crimean) War erupted, the granting of leaves to the indigenous people for Turkey was completely stopped, which led to some discontent among them.
With the conclusion of the peace treaty, a fairly large number of indigenous people from the Kuban region who wished to go to Mecca for pilgrimage to the grave of Muhammad, and who had been withheld in the region due to the war, began to request their release. Altogether, approximately 150 families, or 1,500 individuals of both sexes, wanted to go. However, the request to release such a number of people, despite the personal appeal of the former commander of the right wing of the Caucasian Line, General-Lieutenant Kozlovsky, was denied, and it was prescribed to limit the release to no more than 80 individuals.
This prohibition made the idea of traveling to Turkey even more tempting for them. Secret proclamations circulated by religious figures invited all orthodox believers to go to Turkey, where they would receive the most generous reception by the Ottoman government, and where they would live much better than with us. They claimed that we deliberately restricted their religious rights, seeking to distance them from Islam, and so on. All of these discussions led to the point where, when General-Lieutenant Philipson took over from General-Lieutenant Kozlovsky, he was literally inundated with requests from the indigenous people for release to go to Turkey for the pilgrimage to Muhammad's grave.
In view of these circumstances and to avoid any misunderstandings, General Philipson managed to obtain permission to release indigenous people to Turkey, but with the limitation that no more than 10 families were to be released at once. As soon as this permission became known, most of the pre-Kuban Nogais, despite such limitations, stopped engaging in agriculture, sold their property, and began to gather for resettlement to Turkey, naturally not for religious reasons but for migration.
At first, their departure took place in small groups, but later it was allowed not to be restricted by this limitation and to release all those who wished. Otherwise, this issue could not have been resolved. On the one hand, a large mass of people would have remained in the region who had not prepared any food for the winter, thus only increasing the number of predators in our settlements. On the other hand, it was much more profitable to grant voluntary departure to all dissatisfied indigenous people, leaving only those obedient indigenous people who were content with their current status. Finally, it could be expected that the indigenous people of the Caucasus, once in Turkey, would be disillusioned by the Sultan, whose name had been constantly stirring the region.
In this manner, during 1858 and 1859, up to 30,000 pre-Kuban Nogais left for Turkey, but then resettlement was limited to them alone. Neither the Circassian nor the Abkhazian tribes, who were still strong in their land and beyond our influence, had any intention of embarking on resettlement. However, the idea of resettlement had already been introduced to the general population.
In 1860, due to unfavorable rumors about the fate of the Nogais within the Ottoman Empire, the resettlement of indigenous people from the Kuban region to Turkey had almost come to a halt, and by the end of that year, they occupied the places in the region as described earlier in this article. Only the settlements of the mountain villages of the Urup Brigade forced the Bashilbaevs to move to the Bolshaya Laba, and some of them crossed to the southern slope with the intention, as they said, to go to Turkey.
Starting from 1861, continuous migration to Turkey began in larger or smaller numbers for the peoples of the Kuban region who had not yet come under our direct control.
The colonization in 1861, which occupied the banks of the Bolshaya and Malaya Laba, as well as part of the Khodzh, brought us into direct confrontation with the Abkhaz tribes: the remnants of the Bashilbaevs, Kazilbekovs, Tamovs, and Bagovs, and from the Adyghe tribes - the Besleneys, who occupied the Khodzh. Due to the settlements we were building, they could not stay in their previous places of residence. Therefore, they were offered to move to the specified areas or go to Turkey in the shortest possible time. The process began with the Besleneys, who were considered the most harmful and dangerous to us. They had always provided excellent leaders for our territories and generally led raids on our borders. Peaceful resolution of the issue was not possible. Therefore, they were suddenly surrounded by our troops and forcibly taken to the Kuban. From there, 600 families went to Turkey under escort, according to their expressed desire, while the remaining 200 families settled in the designated areas on the left bank of the Kuban. Without resistance, the Abkhaz tribes, who had left the lands occupied by the Besleneys, crossed the mountain passes to the southern slope, from where they had already left for Turkey.
The construction of the Gubskaya, Nizhne-Farskaya, and Kuzhorskaya villages in the same year directly affected the Circassian tribes inhabiting the foothill area between the Laba and Belaya rivers. The fugitive Kabardinians, numbering 10,000 individuals of both sexes, were the first to come to us and settled on Khodzh in the designated places. After them, a small number of Temirgoys, up to 50 families, followed. These emigrants formed the nucleus of the pre-Labinsk indigenous population, to which subsequent emigrants from the mountains joined. However, in the lower reaches of the Laba, a small part of the Temirgoys was already living at that time.
Finally, 1862 arrived, the most challenging year in our struggle with the indigenous people of the Transcaucasian region, which marked a turning point in the war on the Western Caucasus. At this time, we began colonization, on the one hand, occupying the entire region up to the Belaya River, and on the other hand, from the eastern coast of the Black Sea to the Adagum River, thus placing the Natukhays within our settlements. Such actions directly affected all Abkhaz tribes, forcing the remnants of the Bashilbaevs, Kazilbekovs, Tamovs, and Bagovs, as well as the Beslenevs from the Adyghe tribes, who occupied the Khodzh, to move from their original locations. The Natukhays were squeezed into the space between the Belaya and Sups rivers. Naturally, the Mahoshevs, Yegerukaevs, and Temirgoys could no longer stay in the places they had occupied. Some of them joined the upper and lower Abkhaz communities, from where during the autumn of 1862 and the spring of 1863, approximately 2,000 families, or about 15,000 individuals of both sexes, went into exile to Turkey. They couldn't find available land behind the Belaya for settlement due to the crowded conditions of the Abkhaz.
In the same year of 1862, the remaining Abazins also left for Turkey: the Bagovs, Barakaevs, and Shakhgireevs. Only a small part of the latter moved to our territories.
1863 no longer had the character of any significant resistance to our conflict with the mountain-dwellers of the Western Caucasus. They had lost their spirit completely and, torn by various rumors, were unsure of what to do. Our colonization pushed forward, on one side reaching the Pshekha and Pshish rivers, and on the other side, we took control of the area between the Adagum River and the eastern coast of the Black Sea by establishing settlements for the Abinsk Regiment. Such actions placed almost the entire population of the Abadzekh between the Pshish and Psekups rivers, putting them in a very difficult situation. The Shapsugs also had to yield to these circumstances. A small part of them emigrated to the Kuban, but the majority stayed for a while in the mountainous ravines of the region. However, they mostly descended to the southern slope, from where they began to move to Turkey in parts during the autumn of the same year.
In the same year, finally, persistent resettlement into large villages of the Natukhays and those Bjedugs who had not complied with it began. They had postponed this resettlement since 1859 when they submitted to us and were finally compelled by coercive measures. The most dissatisfied among them started to go to Turkey. According to official information available to us, it is evident that in 1863, up to 300 families, totaling 2,517 individuals of both sexes, left for Turkey. These included the Kerkeneys and Khatukays, who belonged to the Bjedukh tribe. At the same time, General Babich sent 4,057 individuals from the Natukhays, along with some Shapsugs, providing them with certain allowances from the treasury.
As mentioned earlier, the Abadzekhs, who were placed in a tight spot, began to group themselves between the Pshish and Psekups rivers. However, a small part of them started to come to us for resettlement within the Abadzekh district. Unable to resist, they entered into negotiations with us and, finally, in October of the previous year, they submitted unconditionally, with the sole request to allow them to stay temporarily between the Pshish and Psekups rivers until the spring of 1864. Then, they would leave for resettlement in Turkey with greater convenience. Given their extreme situation and the lack of an urgent need for their immediate resettlement, their request was respected. The Abadzekh administration was established to oversee them temporarily.
In 1864, the final resettlement of the mountaineers of the Western Caucasus to Turkey was completed, and the mountains were finally cleared of indigenous people. This circumstance had long been foreseen, and measures needed to be taken to ensure that this resettlement did not put us in a difficult position. Up until that point, we had not directly participated in the resettlement of the mountaineers, nor had we hired ships for them or provided financial aid. Instead, we allowed them to manage their own relocation as they saw fit. However, we could not remain indifferent spectators, especially considering the impending massive indigenous resettlement. This was especially important as it was expected to significantly increase with the relocation of the inhabitants of the southern slope, who would soon come into close contact with us due to the war. Additionally, the forthcoming resettlement of the obedient Natukhays and the pre-Kuban Shapsugs had already been confirmed by reliable information.
Such an outcome of the war in the Western Caucasus had been foreseen from the very beginning. When drawing up the regulations for the settlement of the foothills of the Western Caucasus, an estimate was made for the expenses of transporting the mountaineers at the government's expense to Turkey as a means to end the Caucasian War without unnecessary difficulties. This measure received the Highest Approval. In late 1863, when the circumstances clearly outlined the scale of the impending resettlement, a request was renewed for an allocation of financial aid to the migrating mountaineers, approximately up to 100,000 rubles in silver, assuming that, with prudent savings, this sum would be sufficient. This request received approval from His Imperial Highness, the Commander-in-Chief of the army, and permission was granted to use funds for transporting the mountaineers to Turkey, disbursed from the reserves of the Kuban Cossack Army, as needed.
However, as it could not be assumed that all the mountaineers would go to Turkey and that some of them would settle within our territory, permission was sought to provide both the emigrants and those who had already settled on the Laba with provisions in kind, requisitioned from the stores of the Kuban Cossack troops or, finally, from government supply stores.
To ensure the transport of the mountaineers to Turkey, so that there would be no shortage of ships, contracts were made with the Kerch merchant Fonstein in October for the transport of the Abadzekhs from the eastern coast of the Black Sea, where they were to move through the passes of the Caucasus Mountains, or from other ports. In addition, the owners of Turkish yachts were informed in advance about the impending resettlement of the mountaineers, and they greatly assisted us in this difficult operation.
Later, when the circumstances made it clear that there was an urgent need for the swift resettlement of the mountaineers to Turkey, permission was first granted to charter private sailing and steamships for their transportation. Subsequently, company-owned steamships were hired, and finally, government-owned steamships were employed for the free transportation to Turkey of the poorest resettlers. Even at the end of the operation, the Turkish government provided assistance by sending its military ships, which greatly aided us.
Throughout the first half of March, as well as all of April and May, the entire northeastern coast of the Black Sea from Pshada to Sochi was, so to speak, filled with various types of ships continuously engaged in transportation without interruption. However, all these resources only became available at the end of March. In February and the first half of the following month, there was a significant shortage of ships, and we barely managed by taking various emergency measures to alleviate the initial plight of the resettlers.
Here we will make a brief but very important digression. The fact is that we have lists of ships chartered for the transportation of Circassian resettlers from the Konstantinovskoe fort bay (modern-day Novorossiysk), as one of the specific cases in the overall picture of resettlement. They are mentioned in case No. 151 (fund No. 416 inventory 3) of the State Historical Archive of the Republic of Georgia, titled "On the number of ships for the transportation of mountaineers from Novorossiysk." However, there is no adequate information about the number of resettlers and the resettlement routes in it. It appears that the listed ships were engaged in various trade routes while waiting, according to the records. Fortunately, the next case, No. 152, titled "On the number of mountaineers sent from Novorossiysk," significantly clarifies the situation. In the chart below, you can see how the resettlers were distributed among different ships based on the date and subethnic group, with a separate count of the number of families, men, and women. It appears that the majority of them were Abadzekhs. The original documents of the case in Russian language are available at this link.
Counting the number of Circassians who resettled through Novorossiysk to Turkey in the autumn of 1864
From October 14 to November 20, 1864, a total of 14,180 people or 2,769 families (7,831 men and 6,349 women) were resettled from the Konstantinovsky (Novorossiysk) port. Among them, the Abadzekhs comprised 11,555 people or 1,461 families (6,407 men and 5,148 women), the Shapsugs - 1,826 people or 308 families (1,007 men and 819 women), and the Bzhedugs - 799 people or 1,000 families (?) (417 men and 382 women). The counting of children was not conducted. Six ships were involved in transportation, some of which entered the port 2-3 times. In total, there were 12 voyages.
This count allows us to highlight the scale of resettlements for the season in a particular major port of the region in terms of gender and ethnic breakdown, serving as a benchmark for understanding the overall scale of resettlement. But let's return to Evdokimov's report:
Regardless of the resettlement of the highlanders from the southern slope, a similar, if not greater, effort was made to send them to Turkey from Taman, Anapa, and Konstantinovsky fortification. In the first port, as you will see below, a significant number of Abadzekhs were sent, and in the latter, Natukhays and the relocated near-Kuban Shapsugs began to arrive. Initially, it was assumed that only half of the Natukhays and Shapsugs would go to Turkey, but as some of them left, others who initially intended to stay in the region followed them. As a result, almost all of them gathered to leave for Turkey, unexpectedly increasing the number of resettlers, which led to unforeseen costs for resettlement. As we will see below, instead of the expected surplus of 100,000 silver rubles allocated for the transportation of the highlanders, there was an overexpenditure.
Measures had to be taken to ensure that the departure of the highlanders from our ports proceeded correctly and that the expenditure of funds was careful and closely monitored. For this purpose, commissions were formed, chaired by highly reliable officers and under the close supervision of local senior officials. These commissions were entrusted with investigating all the needs of the resettlers, trying to assist them in selling their property that they could not take on the ships, eliminating, to the extent possible, harmful monopolies in purchasing livestock from them, acting as intermediaries in contracts for the transportation of the resettlers with shipowners, and finally, the commissions were responsible for distributing assistance to the most needy highlanders, paying them the transportation price.
Regarding the distribution of this assistance, the following rules were established: every passing group of resettlers, after a thorough inspection, was divided into three categories. Those who had their own means were sent at their own expense, without any assistance from the treasury (to supplement their own money); others were given only additional assistance to supplement their own funds, and finally, only the poorest were transported entirely at the expense of the treasury. Towards the end, for example, in the Konstantinovsky fortification, Anapa, and Sochi, the additional assistance given turned into a normal full payment, and it gradually decreased from two rubles to one ruble per person.
To prevent ships, out of their selfish interests, from being overloaded with highlanders, thus increasing mortality among them during the journey, and also for close supervision of the progress of resettlement, individuals from the Main Staff, appointed by the person of His Imperial Highness, were included in the said commissions. They were very helpful in facilitating resettlement. All these measures, fully developed, achieved the desired result; in the middle of the resettlement period, the highlanders began to sell their property at relatively advantageous prices. But it cannot be ignored that at the very beginning of resettlement, when the authorities had not yet had time to implement all the directives, the highlanders sold their property at a low price to the first buyers. These commissions in the Kuban region were established in the following locations:
1. In Taman, under the chairmanship of the chief of the Taman district, where an additional official from the Staff of the Kuban Region Forces and Captain-Lieutenant Karganov from Tiflis were seconded.
2. In Anapa.
3. In the Konstantinovsky fortification, both commissions were formed and operated under the orders of the chief of the Natukhaisky district, Major General Babich.
4. At the Velyaminovsky post, at the mouth of the Tuapse River.
5. And at the Kubansky post, at the mouth of the Dagomys River.
Map of the location of resettlement commissions and places of resettlement for the Circassians in 1863-64
The last two commissions were under the command of Major General Geyman, the head of the Dahovsky detachment, and operated under his close supervision. Later, by order of the Chief Staff, the task of sending the Circassians from Sochi and Adler was assigned to Lieutenant Colonel Batyanov, who held special responsibilities under the Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasus Army.
In order to ensure the orderly resettlement of the Circassians to Turkey and prevent them from becoming homeless and resorting to predatory activities, special measures were taken. The goal was to organize the process so that they moved in groups with minimal loss of their belongings, thus avoiding pushing them to extremes. In early February, the Pshekhsky detachment, concentrated in Pshish for the resettlement of the Circassians, was ordered to move towards Psekups and force entire villages to resettle, giving them a short period to gather their belongings, and using force only as a last resort. From another direction, the Djubsky detachment, having already cleared the area from Il’ to Psekups, was instructed to act in coordination with the Pshekhsky detachment. Lastly, from a third direction, Colonel Mogukorov, the head of the Bzhedukhovsky district, was to take similar actions with the Bzhedukh militia.
With these combined actions, only one open route remained for the Abadzekhs towards the southern slope, where a significant portion of them headed. Only those Abadzekhs who were closest to the Bzhedukhs, numbering more than 27,000 people of both sexes, moved towards Kuban and preferred to depart from the Taman port, which was closest and most convenient for them. As for the Shapsugs, nearly identical measures were adopted. Initially displaced by the movements of the Djubsky detachment and partisan units to the southern slope, they began to clear one gorge after another as the Abadzhekhsky detachment moved from Pshada to Djuba and beyond, congregating on the seashore for departure to Turkey, with no possibility of returning to the northern slope. Regarding the other inhabitants of the southern slope, the Ubykhs were compelled to resettle by the actions of the Dahovsky detachment, while the remaining tribes were affected by the operations of the Kutaisi General-Governorate troops and the Malo-Labinsky detachment, which operated from behind the mountain range towards the coastal strip.
The order of division among the Circassians, as established by the commissions, during their departure to Turkey, based on whether they had the means to complete the resettlement on their own or required assistance from the treasury, as well as the intermediary involvement of ship owners, allowed for the collection of the most accurate information on the number of indigenous people who left for abroad in the areas where the commissions were established. However, in other coastal areas not covered by the commissions, the information gathered was only approximate.
In general, all information about the Circassians who left for Turkey in 1864 falls into three categories, from which the following figures emerge:
The map showing the distribution of the exiled Circassian population to Turkey in 1864, taking into account the aid provided and not provided by the Russian military authorities.
The same, on the graph
"In total, 312,068 souls departed for Turkey during the autumn of 1863 and in 1864" concludes General-Adjutant Evdokimov at the end of this chapter. In the following, we will delve into why this number is erroneous even by the standards of Russian military bureaucracy.
Further in his report, Evdokimov provides more detailed data about the expelled mountaineers, comparing it with his own calculations of the Circassian and Abazin populations in 1860 based on intelligence. Based on the data he presented, we can ascertain the following overall picture of the expulsion in numbers:
Counting the number of remaining and expelled Circassian and Abazin populations in 1864 in comparison to their total numbers in 1860
А вот таким представлял себе генерал-адъютант Николай Евдокимов количество черкесского населения, распределенное по военным округам и приставствам после окончания войны:
Map showing the distribution of the remaining Circassian and Abazin populations in 1864
The statement "Total remaining in the region - 106,798. In total, there were - 505,090" is a sudden change in Eudokimov's testimony. Apparently, the data in the report were filled in at different times from different sources, which is why we see such a significant discrepancy. The figures presented in this last remark roughly correspond to the total population recorded by the military authorities of the Russian Empire. What was beyond their control is not reflected in these figures.
3.EXPULSION COSTS
To complete the picture of the events in the Western Caucasus during those years, we need to explore the lesser-known but equally important aspect of the expenses incurred by the state for the expulsion of the Circassian population.
Doing this is particularly important because very often the Russian Empire's actions are attributed to some subjective personal characteristics. The expulsion of the Circassian population from their lands did not happen because officials or the emperor had a personal animosity towards them. In the empire, there was a characteristic attitude towards small nations as "barbarians," though potentially capable of accepting and understanding the benefits of civilization with certain efforts and a civilizing mission.
On the other hand, the "barbarians" who posed obstacles to the geopolitical goals of the empire, such as Russia's access to the Black Sea and maintaining its borders, were seen differently. Imperial authorities believed that it would be more economically advantageous to squeeze out the local population towards their southern neighbor and perpetual competitor. The religious factor also played a role, as the empire sought to minimize the number of Muslims within its borders.
In this worldview, the Circassians were mere units on paper, each costing a certain amount of silver rubles in terms of transportation expenses and temporary support with food and clothing. This radically pragmatic approach was characteristic of 19th-century empires, 20th-century totalitarian states, and even modern-day Russia in the 21st century.
The late ban on emigration to Turkey imposed in 1865 can be seen as an attempt to sober up the "financiers" who calculated that developing the depopulated land with external colonists would be significantly more expensive than the expenses incurred in resettlement and the potential challenges of adapting "new citizens," even if they weren't the most loyal. Practice showed that this was indeed the case, and the region remained depopulated and neglected for many decades to come.
So, how much money did the military authorities of the Russian Empire spend during the Circassian expulsion of 1863-1865, and on what? We will find the answer to this question in the same report by General Nikolai Evdokimov, where he emphasizes, "These data are limited only to the expenses made by the orders of the Staff of the Kuban Region troops. Expenses made on the same subject by the Main Staff of the Caucasus Army are unknown, and therefore, they are not mentioned here."
Based on the data provided in the first paragraphs of the report's chapter on financial expenditures, we can see the following picture:
Expenses for the resettlement of the Circassian population by places of exile in 1864
At the end of his calculations, Eudokimov arrives at the following final figure: "The total amount spent on the deportation of the Circassians from the Kuban region is 120,713 rubles."
However, we can observe significant gaps and discrepancies in these calculations, indicating that important data may have been omitted in the report. To present a more accurate picture of the expenses for the transportation of the expelled Circassian population, we can turn to another document that contains more precise data along with the names of individuals responsible for the expenses. The source for the chart will be tables from the report of the commission on the resettlement of the Circassians to Turkey (State Historical Archive of the Republic of Georgia, fond 416, inventory 3, case No. 154). The original documents of the case in Russian language are available at this link.
Expenses for the expulsion of the Circassian population in 1864 with an indication of the responsible individuals in the commissions
From various reports of the commissions mentioned above, we know that the initial assumption of expenses amounting to 120,000 silver rubles turned out to be incorrect, and the total expenditure exceeded the initially allocated amount by at least 30,000 silver rubles, according to various data. Furthermore, in the report, Evdokimov provides some explanations regarding the reasons for such a discrepancy:
The additional expenses beyond the allocated 100,000 silver rubles for the transportation of the Circassians were due to the unexpected high demand for resettlement to Turkey by the Natukhays and Shapsugs, as mentioned earlier in this memorandum.
About providing for the poorest Circassians who resettled from the mountains to the plains within our borders.
The Upper and Lower Abadzekhs, who submitted to our government in September 1863, were designated for resettlement from the mountains to the plains. At the beginning of the Abadzekhs' resettlement to the designated areas, it became evident that many of them, devastated by the prolonged war, were left without any property or even daily sustenance. Furthermore, they were placed in a dire situation as diseases such as typhus and smallpox began to appear among them, leading to increased mortality.
His Imperial Highness, the Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Army, in anticipation of the expected further resettlement of the Abadzekhs in large numbers into our territories and concerned that these settlers would suffer from a lack of provisions in the initial period until they could establish their households in new locations, granted permission on August 20, 1863: to provide them with rations in kind from the reserve stores of the Kuban Cossack Host upon their arrival in our territories, in quantities deemed necessary. However, to prevent excessive depletion of the army's grain reserves, His Highness required that this privilege be extended only to those resettlers who genuinely needed it.
Based on this permission, the following allocations were made for distribution among the Abadzekh migrants who had no means of daily sustenance: from the reserve stores of the 1st Brigade of the Kuban Cossack Host, 387 quarters of rye, and from the 6th Brigade, 672 quarters.
In addition, due to a shortage of grain in the mentioned stores, the following amounts were allocated for the sustenance of the poorest resettlers, under special permissions from His Imperial Highness the Grand Duke, from the government stores: Tenginskaya - 100 quarters, Labinskaya - 600 quarters, Nizhne-Farskaya and Maykop - 2,695 quarters of flour, for a total of 3,395 quarters. This provision was distributed for sustenance as needed, as confirmed on-site by the Chief of the Abadzekh District, Colonel Abdurakhmanov.
Furthermore, there were no other significant expenditures for provisions for the indigenous people. There were two minor distributions made: by the Chief of the Natukhaisky District, consisting of 42 quarters of hardtack, and by the Chief of the Papayskaya Village (Psekupsky Regiment), consisting of 5 quarters of hardtack and one quarter of groats, for the sustenance of 727 newly arrived Shapsugs.
What conclusion can we draw from the presented data? The task of expelling the majority of the Circassian population for the subsequent Russian colonization of the Western Caucasus was undoubtedly set from the very beginning of the military campaign, as openly stated in the officials' report. Funds were allocated in advance for this task, but they proved insufficient because the resettlement took on a much larger scale than the Russian authorities had expected. Only those population groups that went to prearranged ports in 1863 and 1864 were taken into account, from where they were expelled on chartered ships, both privately and with assistance provided by the Russian Empire (for the poorest residents who could not afford the cost of transportation). Return was not permitted, and the military did everything possible to eliminate any possibility of return. Settlement was only allowed in specially designated villages within military districts and agencies, specially formed along the left bank of the Kuban River under direct military administration. Thus, within the boundaries of the established military districts, no more than 12-15% of the Circassian and Abkhaz population remained from the total population at the start of the military campaign in 1860. The vast majority chose to emigrate to the Ottoman Empire. The questions regarding losses during the military operations and their side effects such as hunger, cold, and epidemics remain a subject of discussion. They are acknowledged by the executors of the military actions themselves, but the counting of such losses is highly conditional.
To complete the overall picture of events, in the following two articles, we will explore the fate of prisoners of war and exiled Circassians (link) and the composition of the barter trade of Circassian communities on the Black Sea border line in 1849, as an example of what local residents were actually engaged in and what they experienced shortages.
Read about this in the next article